Artwork stating 'Education Destroys Barriers', 'We Demand Treatment', and 'I Need A Chance'

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  • Out Of The Ruins

    Protests against severe “austerity measures” that were passed after the 2011 economic recession resulted in worker and housing cooperatives to address labor and housing inequities. Citizens protested by gathering in public squares and holding rallies where speakers were randomly selected from the crowd. This is based on an ancient democratic process where citizens are selected at random to speak their mind in regards to politics and public affairs. The organizations that emerged practiced participatory democracy through horizontal leadership, though many were eventually shut down by the government.

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  • I Cover Cops as an Investigative Reporter. Here Are Five Ways You Can Start Holding Your Department Accountable.

    Citizen watchdogs can hold local police accountable by using the tactics of investigative reporters that have successfully exposed systemic problems and sparked reforms. One reporter shares five approaches he’s used to hold up policies and practices to scrutiny, some of which led to positive change. He provides a how-to on learning the existing policies, obtaining public records, engaging influencers in honest dialog, presenting verified evidence in a fair format, and seeking allies to pressure for reform.

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  • How a City Once Consumed by Civil Unrest Has Kept Protests Peaceful

    Through a combination of protesters’ vigilance, mayoral leadership, anti-violence interventions, and de-escalation by police, Newark managed to avoid the violence that marred other cities’ responses in the initial burst of protest after the death in Minneapolis of George Floyd. Newark has worked in recent years to reduce street violence using trained mediators. That team, aided by a resolve among protesters to prevent widespread looting and vandalism, helped prevent all but minor problems and arrests in the first volatile weekend of protests.

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  • Why So Many Police Are Handling the Protests Wrong

    Half a century of research showing the dynamics of how protesters and police interact under pressure teaches that when police respond with escalating force, it doesn’t work. But police continue to lean on such tactics out of instinct and culture, even in the face of strong evidence that they often instigate the very riots they ostensibly seek to prevent. Defusing tension is no simple matter, and officer safety concerns are often legitimate. But much can be learned from common mistakes and from some model strategies that have been deployed successfully.

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  • Thousands of Complaints Do Little to Change Police Ways

    Derek Chauvin's journey through the Minneapolis Police Department’s officer-disciplinary system illustrates the weaknesses of that system and the failure of efforts to fix it. Chauvin, the officer charged in the death of George Floyd, survived at least 17 misconduct complaints before he was fired for killing Floyd by kneeling on his neck. Critics charge the department never complied with recommendations by federal analysts to improve the tracking and disciplining of problem officers. That and other administrative failures are coupled with political and cultural barriers to neuter many reform ideas.

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  • Before George Floyd's Death, Minneapolis Police Failed to Adopt Reforms, Remove Bad Officers

    The Minneapolis Police Department’s repeated failures to reform a broken police-discipline system underscore the lack of public trust that exploded in local and nationwide protests after an officer with a troubled record killed a handcuffed suspect. An analysis of police-reform efforts in the city, and statewide, show how vows to do better have been undermined by official reluctance to remove bad officers from duty, either through administrative or legislative failure. Among the unaddressed problems: a "coaching" system that allows officers to avoid suspension but is riddled with problems.

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  • After April's election difficulties, would a vote-at-home system make more sense for Wisconsin?

    States that use universal voting by mail can be models for all states to protect voters amid the Covid-19 pandemic. Voting by mail can also increase voter turnout. After sending 2020 primary ballots to all registered voters, two Wisconsin districts had voter turnout about twice that of the statewide turnout. States also report that, after high startup costs, voting by mail is cheaper over the long term. Colorado successfully uses intelligent bar codes to track ballots and avoid fraud. Setting up the system before the November 2020 election would be difficult, as is reaching those without a permanent address.

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  • Una identificación que traspasa fronteras para unir comunidades

    En Estados Unidos, un modelo que nació en Carolina del Norte permite proporcionar documentos de identificación comunitaria a personas inmigrantes latinas se replica en otros estados, ayudando a los inmigrantes a acceder a servicios esenciales (atención médica y educación), y también tiene como objetivo difundir información sobre los desafíos y las barreras que enfrentan las comunidades de inmigrantes.

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  • PA should follow California's lead and mail ballots to every registered voter in the state

    Governor Gavin Newsome in California ordered vote-from-home ballots be sent to all registered voters for the November 2020 election due to the Covid-19 pandemic. While some states allow people to vote by mail for any reason, a ballot is usually obtained only by request, which evidence shows does not lead to the same increased voter turnout as automatically receiving a ballot. Absentee voters do tend to be white and upper-middle class, but some voter-rights organizations such as Committee of Seventy have shifted priorities to getting everyone who is eligible to request a vote-from-home ballot.

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  • Can Vote by Mail Work in Low Income Minority Neighborhoods?

    Maryland and Ohio recently held elections almost entirely by mail and their different approaches provide insight into the impact on low-income voters, particularly those without permanent addresses. All registered voters in Maryland were sent mail-from-home ballots whereas Ohio voters had to request a ballot. Despite some reports of issues, turnout in Maryland increased 10 percentage points overall and 6 points in Baltimore City, indicating no widespread disenfranchisement in poorer counties. In Ohio, the extra step created a barrier for many voters and turnout decreased from 43.6% in 2016 to just 22.6%.

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